RESURGENT CONSERVATISM<\/p>\n
World War I brought an end to the long period of reform stretching from the 1880s to the 1910s. A resurgent political and social conservatism emerged in the war\u2019s aftermath. Progressivism survived, but limited government dominated national political life from 1919 until the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt as president in 1932. During the 1920s, the progressive call for economic regulation gave way to a business-first outlook. President Calvin Coolidge declared, \u201cThe man who builds a factory builds a temple. The man who works their worships there.\u201d The same theme prevailed in U.S. foreign policy: American business needs were the top priority. Socially, the conservative turn drew on postwar anxieties about a rapidly changing nation. In 1919 alone, an antiradical Red Scare, a massive strike wave, and white violence against African Americans roiled the country \u2014 a preview of an eventful but anxious era.<\/p>\n
The Red Scare<\/p>\n
The war effort, overseen by a Democratic administration sympathetic to organized labor, had increased the size and power of labor unions. Membership in the American Federation of Labor (AFL) grew by a third during World War I, reaching more than three million by the armistice. Workers\u2019 expectations also rose as the war economy brought higher pay and better working conditions. Labor sought to preserve and expand the wartime gains after the peace. Over the course of 1919, more than four million wage laborers \u2014 one in every five \u2014 went on strike, a proportion never since equaled. A walkout of shipyard workers in Seattle sparked a general strike that shut\u00a0down the entire city. Another strike disrupted the steel industry, as 350,000 workers demanded union recognition and an end to twelve-hour shifts. Union members ranging from textile workers and coal miners to city police and longshoremen joined the year\u2019s wave of worker protest. Most of the 1919 strikes sought basic economic objectives \u2014 more pay, fewer hours \u2014 rather than a socialist revolution, but the bold exercise of worker power still stoked fears of rising radicalism among labor\u2019s opponents.<\/p>\n
That same year, the Soviet Union\u2019s new Bolshevik leaders founded the Third International, intended to foster revolutions abroad. With an eye on Europe\u2019s ongoing unrest, some Americans perceived political radicalism as an urgent threat at home. Wartime hatred of Germans quickly gave way to hostility toward Bolsheviks (labeled \u201cReds,\u201d after the color of communist flags). Under the banner of \u201cone hundred percent Americanism,\u201d groups such as the newly formed American Legion decried socialists, communists, and the anticapitalist Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) as un-American. In a telling example, Ole Hanson, Seattle\u2019s mayor during the general strike, wrote a book called\u00a0Americanism Versus Bolshevism\u00a0and toured the country lecturing about the threat of revolution. Ironically, American communists remained few in number and had little political influence. Of the 63 million adults in the United States in 1920, no more than 13,000 belonged to a communist organization.<\/p>\n
Anti-Bolshevism Cartoon, 1919<\/p>\n
In this political cartoon published during the post\u2013World War I Red Scare, \u201cBolshevism\u201d (Russian communism) creeps under the American flag while holding a burning torch labeled \u201cAnarchism.\u201d During the Red Scare, antiradicalism and nativism often went hand in hand, as Americans feared that European immigrants brought revolutionary ideas and tactics with them to the United States.<\/p>\n
The tiny fraction of political revolutionaries who endorsed violence, however, fueled a wave of political repression. In the midst of the 1919 strike wave, radical followers of an Italian anarchist, who promised \u201cblood and fire\u201d and hoped to ignite a\u00a0revolution, began attempting to assassinate public officials with explosives. In April, thirty-six bombs were discovered, unexploded, by alert postal workers. They were addressed to, among others, a U.S. senator, a Supreme Court justice, business magnate John D. Rockefeller, and U.S. Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer. In June, nine similar bombs exploded in seven cities and, most gruesomely, in an effort to kill the attorney general a young man blew himself up outside Palmer\u2019s Washington, D.C. town house, obliterating its front parlor. The next day, with the vocal support of House and Senate members, Palmer vowed to find and jail every last conspirator.<\/p>\n
These terrifying bombings helped drive the ensuing\u00a0Red Scare\u00a0and provided the pretext for a much broader assault on political radicals of all stripes. The attorney general set up an antiradicalism unit within the Justice Department and appointed his assistant J. Edgar Hoover as head. (Hoover would go on to lead the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the FBI, from 1924 until his death in 1972.) Starting in November 1919, Palmer ordered a series of roundups that would go down in history as the\u00a0Palmer raids\u00a0but were actually planned and executed by Palmer\u2019s ambitious deputy, Hoover himself. The raids targeted the headquarters of radical organizations and indiscriminately arrested thousands, often immigrants who had committed no crimes but who held anarchist or revolutionary beliefs. Lacking the protection of U.S. citizenship, many were deported without indictment or trial. The raids peaked on a notorious night in January 1920, when federal agents invaded homes and meeting halls, arrested six thousand citizens and aliens (immigrants without U.S. citizenship) and denied the prisoners access to legal counsel.<\/p>\n
The Red Scare\u2019s combination of antiradicalism and anti-immigrant sentiment had dire consequences in the case of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti. Though the Palmer Raids had ended in January 1920, the antiradical fervor had not ebbed. Later that year, in May, local police arrested Sacco, a shoemaker, and Vanzetti, a fish peddler, for the murder of two men during a robbery in South Braintree, Massachusetts. Sacco and Vanzetti were Italian immigrants and self-proclaimed anarchists who had evaded the draft. Convicted of the murders in 1921, they sat in jail for six years while supporters appealed their verdicts. In 1927, Judge Webster Thayer denied a motion for a new trial and sentenced them to death. Scholars still debate their guilt or innocence, but the case was clearly biased by prosecutors\u2019 emphasis on their radical ties and foreign birth. The executions of Sacco and Vanzetti became a lasting symbol of the Red Scare\u2019s hostilities and divisiveness.<\/p>\n
Racial Backlash<\/p>\n
Racial repression also marked the years during and after World War I. The beginning of the\u00a0Great Migration\u00a0\u2014 a decades-long migration between 1916 and 1970 that would ultimately see 6 million black people exit the South \u2014 had drawn hundreds of thousands of African Americans from the South to northern and midwestern industrial cities for war work. These migrants found more economic clout and stronger voting rights in the North, which in turn fostered community building and a drive for racial justice (see\u00a0\u201cFirsthand Accounts,\u201d\u00a0p. 676). However, the arrival of these southern migrants during the war deepened existing racial tensions, as African Americans competed with whites \u2014 including recent immigrants from Europe \u2014 for jobs and scarce housing.<\/p>\n
Racism had already turned such conflicts into violent confrontations during the war. One of the deadliest riots in American history occurred in 1917 in East St. Louis, Illinois, where rampaging whites burned more than three hundred black homes and murdered between 50 and 150 black men, women, and children (the exact death toll remains unknown). The East St. Louis riots were \u201ca crime against the laws of humanity,\u201d said Marcus Garvey, the influential black leader of the Universal Negro Improvement Association.<\/p>\n
Tensions remained high after the war, because African Americans emerged from the conflict determined to achieve citizenship rights. Millions had loyally supported\u00a0the war effort, and 370,000 had served in uniform. Returning veterans, empowered by their military service, often refused to accept second-class treatment at the hands of whites, whether in the North or South. The black man, one observer wrote, \u201crealized that he was part and parcel of the great army of democracy\u2026. With this realization came the consciousness of pride in himself as a man, and an American citizen.\u201d<\/p>\n
These developments sparked white violence. In what became known as the\u00a0Red Summer\u00a0of 1919, bloody battles raged in more than two dozen cities, from major urban areas such as Washington, D.C. to small towns such as Longview, Texas. Chicago fared the worst, enduring five days of rioting in July after white youths stoned a black teenager to death on a Lake Michigan beach. The rioting led to the deaths of 23 black and 15 white Chicagoans and the destruction of more than a thousand black residences. By September, the year\u2019s death toll from racial violence across the country reached 120. Lynchings also spiked in 1919, including several murders of returning (and still uniformed) black soldiers.<\/p>\n
Chicago Race Riot<\/p>\n
Racial violence exploded in Chicago during the summer of 1919. The riot was sparked when a black teenager, who had violated the unofficial segregation of the city\u2019s beaches, was stoned to death by a group of white youths. The African American man pictured here was also stoned to death by a white mob as he attempted to find shelter in his home.<\/p>\n
Attacks on African Americans continued after 1919, as well. In June 1921, sensationalized (and false) reports of an alleged rape helped incite white mobs in the oil boomtown of Tulsa, Oklahoma. Anger focused on the eight thousand residents of Tulsa\u2019s prosperous Greenwood district, locally known as \u201cthe black Wall Street.\u201d The mobs \u2014 aided by National Guardsmen, who arrested African Americans defending their homes and businesses \u2014 burned thirty-five blocks of Greenwood and killed several dozen people. The city\u2019s leading paper acknowledged that \u201csemi-organized bands of white men systematically applied the torch, while others shot on sight men of color.\u201d It took a decade for black residents to rebuild Greenwood. Tulsa was only one terrible incident in a steady pattern of racial violence in the early 1920s. In an equally grim episode in January 1923, mobs of furious whites in a small Florida town torched houses and hunted down African Americans, killing at least six in the Rosewood Massacre. Police and state authorities refused to intervene, and the town of Rosewood vanished from the map.<\/p>\n
FIRSTHAND ACCOUNTS<\/p>\n
African American Leaders React to the Great Migration<\/p>\n
During the Great Migration between 1916 and 1970, 6 million African Americans moved from the South to the North and West. The first phase of the migration began during World War I and continued into the 1920s, when labor shortages in northern cities, opened many jobs to African Americans for the first time. In the following excerpts, African American leaders of the era react to the migration and comment on the hopes of the migrants. (Note: The writers employ the term \u201cNegro,\u201d a widely accepted term in the 1920s, which has long since been replaced by the terms \u201cblack\u201d and \u201cAfrican American.\u201d)<\/p>\n
MARY MCLEOD BETHUNE<\/p>\n
\u201cThe Problems of the City Dweller,\u201d February 1925<\/p>\n
Mary McLeod Bethune was a leading black educator and civil and women\u2019s rights advocate who founded Bethune-Cookman College, served in President Franklin Roosevelt\u2019s administration, and later became Vice President of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).<\/p>\n
Source: Mary McLeod Bethune, \u201cThe Problems of the City Dweller,\u201d\u00a0Opportunity, February 1925, 54\u201355.<\/p>\n
\u201cIt is ever the problem of living a rational, healthy life in the midst of an environment which for the masses is for the most part, unfavorable. It is the problem of fresh air, wholesome food, sunshine and freedom within limits as pitilessly circumscribed as prison walls. It is the problem of making an increased wage, a better school, and easily accessible and cheap means of transportation, electric light, motion pictures, parades and band concerts, a policeman on the corner and propinquitous [nearby] neighbors, compensate for the sweep of the hill, the greenness of expansive meadows, and the lure of the endless road. It is the problem of getting a chance to live the abundant life, the door to which in our urban centers yields only to the touch of a golden key.<\/p>\n
The problem has been greatly intensified in the past ten or twenty years by the rush from the rural districts. This rush has been neither sectional nor racial. Every section of the country has felt it. While there may be specific causes back of the \u201cpush\u201d that has moved hundreds of thousands of Negroes from the Southern States to various points in the North-east and middle West, the migration can be truthfully considered as only another phase of the general movement of population from the rural toward the urban centers. In fact, for a longer period, preceding the migrations of large bodies of Negroes northward there was a steady and perceptible increase in the Negro population of Southern cities causes by a movement of this element of the population from the country to the city\u2026.<\/p>\n
The cry of the Soul to know has given another push to this modern move towards the city. Longer school terms; better equipped school buildings; more capable teachers; the broadening influence of lectures; concerts, motions pictures, libraries, parades, and festive holiday occasions, have lured many a grizzled homesteader to abandon home and ancestral acres and move cityward. The widening out and diversification of the modern high school with its facilities for teaching the technique of skilled trades and business; home economics and agriculture as well as the arts and sciences. The extending of education at the public expense in some cities to include even a college education. The offering of night courses for underprivileged boys and girls, men and women. These are advantages which even the phonograph, the motion picture machine and the radio cannot compensate for in the country\u2026.<\/p>\n
Though not so often mentioned as a cause, the desire for protection has impelled many a rural dweller to move into of nearer the city. This is especially true with Negro rural dwellers in nearly every part of the South, where the lack or indifference of constabulary or police agencies make the possession of property uncertain \u2014 often hazardous and the safeguarding of life uncertain. These people turn towards the cities for protection in the exercise of the rights guaranteed them under the constitution, and a half chance to defend themselves should these rights be infringed upon\u2026.<\/p>\n
The breaking down of racial barriers and the conceding to every man his right to own and enjoy his property wherever his means permit him to own it; the opening up of parks and playgrounds for the enjoyment and development of all citizens alike; the firm but patient tutoring of the uninitiated newcomer in the privileges and obligations of urban life, must still be the foundation of the programme of organizations like the Urban League and other great social agencies whose militant efforts in these directions have made them national in scope and purpose.\u201d<\/p>\n
ALAIN LOCKE<\/p>\n
On Migration and the Rise of Harlem, 1925<\/p>\n
Alain Locke was a leading African American intellectual \u2014 with a PhD in philosophy from Harvard University \u2014 who was a critical supporter of the artistic movement known as the Harlem Renaissance and the broader social and political \u201cNew Negro\u201d movement.<\/p>\n
Source: Alain Locke,\u00a0The New Negro: An Interpretation, 1925 original, in\u00a0The New Cavalcade: African American Writing from 1760 to the Present, Vol. 1, eds. Arthur P. Davis, J. Saunders Redding, and Joyce Ann Joyce (Washington, DC: Howard University Press, 1991), 364\u2013365.<\/p>\n
In the very process of being transplanted, the Negro is becoming transformed.<\/p>\n
The tide of Negro migration, northward and city-ward, is not to be fully explained as a blind flood started by the demands of war industry coupled with the shutting off of foreign migration, or by the pressure of poor crops coupled with increased social terrorism in certain sections of the South and Southwest. Neither labor demand, the boll-weevil nor the Ku Klux Klan is a basic factor, however contributory any or all of them may have been. The wash and rush of this human tide on the beach line of the northern city centers is to be explained primarily in terms of a new vision of opportunity, of social and economic freedom, of a spirit to seize, even in the face of an extortionate and heavy toll, a chance for the improvement of conditions. With each successive wave of it, the movement of the Negro becomes more and more a mass movement toward the larger and the more democratic chance \u2014 in the Negro\u2019s case a deliberate flight not only from countryside to city, but from medieval America to modern.<\/p>\n
Take Harlem as an instance of this. Here in Manhattan is not merely the largest Negro community in the world, but the first concentration in history of so many diverse elements of Negro life. It has attracted the African, the West Indian, the Negro American; has brought together the Negro of the North and the Negro of the South; the man from the city and the man from the town and village; the peasant, the student, the business man, the professional man, artist, poet, musician, adventurer and worker, preacher and criminal, exploiter and social outcast. Each group has come with its own separate motives and for its own special ends, but their greatest experience has been the finding of one another\u2026. Harlem, I grant you, isn\u2019t typical \u2014 but it is significant, it is prophetic. No sane observer, however sympathetic to the new trend, would contend that the great masses are articulate as yet, but they stir, they move, they are more than physically restless\u2026. It is a social disservice to blunt the fact that the Negro of the northern centers has reached a stage where tutelage, even of the most interested and well-intentioned sort, must give place to new relationships, where positive self-direction must be reckoned with in ever increasing measure. The American mind must reckon with a fundamentally changed Negro.<\/p>\n
CHARLES S. JOHNSON<\/p>\n
Red Summer in Chicago, 1922<\/p>\n
A professor of sociology and the first black president of Fisk University, Charles S. Johnson led a study of the causes of the 1919 Chicago Race Riot \u2014 a major event in the \u201cRed Summer\u201d of antiblack rioting in major cities. Though official credit for the report went to the Chicago Commission on Race Relations, for whom Johnson worked, he penned its lengthy account of the riot and its sociological causes.<\/p>\n
Source: Chicago Commission on Race Relations,\u00a0The Negro in Chicago\u00a0(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1922), 1\u20133.<\/p>\n
A clash between whites and Negroes on the shore of Lake Michigan at Twenty-Ninth Street, which involved much stone-throwing and resulted in the drowning of a Negro boy, was the beginning of the riot\u2026. Before the end came it reached out to a section of the West Side and even invaded the \u201cLoop,\u201d the heart of Chicago\u2019s downtown business district. Of the thirty-eight killed, fifteen were whites and twenty-three Negroes; of 537 injured, 178 were whites, 342 were Negroes, and the race of seventeen was not recorded\u2026.<\/p>\n
Chicago was one of the northern cities most largely affected by the migration of Negroes from the South during the war. The Negro population increased from 44,104 in 1910 to 109,594 in 1920, an increase of 148 percent. Most of the increase came in the years 1916\u20131919\u2026. Practically no new housing had been done in the city during the war, and it was a physical impossibility for a doubled Negro population to live in the space occupied in 1915. Negroes spread out of what had been known as the \u201cBlack Belt\u201d into neighborhoods nearby which had been exclusively white. This movement, as described in another section of this report, developed friction, so much so that in the \u201cinvaded\u201d neighborhoods bombs were thrown at the houses of Negroes who had moved in, and of real estate men, white and Negro, who sold or rented property to the newcomers. From July 1, 1917 to July 27, 1919, the day the riot began, twenty-four such bombs had been thrown.<\/p>\n
THE COMING OF THE GREAT DEPRESSION<\/p>\n
By the last years of the 1920s, the mass consumer society that had emerged after World War I was in trouble. The pace of consumption slowed considerably, and the American economy as a whole was mired in debt. Consumer lending had become the tenth largest business in the country, topping $7 billion that year. Millions of farmers were trapped in the same annual cycle of debt as their forebears, and global agricultural markets were saturated, which drove down farm income. As demand for both manufactured goods and farm produce flagged, a vicious cycle ensued. Firms and farms went bankrupt and laid off workers. Unable to collected debts, banks began to fail. Warnings about the dangers of rapid growth, in which industrial production far outstripped demand, and easy credit proved painfully right. The boom that had made the 1920s \u201croar\u201d stumbled and collapsed by the end of the decade, culminating in the Great Depression. The good times had been brief, the era\u2019s economic expansion lasting only seven years, from 1922 to 1929.<\/p>\n
From Boom to Bust<\/p>\n
The depression\u2019s precipitating event was a massive collapse of the stock market. Easy credit had fueled years of excessive stock speculation, which inflated the value of traded companies well beyond their actual worth. In a series of plunges between October 25 and November 13, 1929, the stock market lost approximately 40 percent of its value, more than the total cost to all the combatant nations of World War I. Not a mere one-day event but rather three weeks of sharply declining prices, the crash was a symptom of a weakening economy, but few onlookers understood the magnitude of the crisis. Sharp downturns had been a familiar part of the industrializing economy since the 1830s; panics tended to follow periods of rapid growth and speculation. The market recovered again in late 1929 and early 1930, and while a great deal of money had been lost, most Americans believed the aftermath of the crash would be brief.<\/p>\n
In fact, the nation had entered the Great Depression, the most severe economic downturn to that point in the nation\u2019s history \u2014 as well as a global phenomenon, with major European and South American economies also tumbling into crisis. Over the next four years, industrial production fell 37 percent. Construction plunged\u00a078 percent. Prices for crops and other raw materials, already low, fell by half. By 1932, unemployment had reached a staggering 24 percent (Figure 21.1).<\/p>\n
FIGURE\u00a021.1\u00a0Unemployment, 1915\u20131945<\/p>\n
During the 1920s, business prosperity and low rates of immigration resulted in historically low unemployment levels. The Great Depression threw millions of people out of work; by 1933, one in four American workers was unemployed, and the rate remained high until 1941, when the nation mobilized for World War II.<\/p>\n
In the graph, the vertical axis plots percent unemployed ranging from 0 to 25 in increments of 5. The horizontal axis plots years ranging from 1915 to 1945 in increments of 1. The unemployment percentage by year are as follows. 1915, 8.5 percent; 1916, 5.1 percent; 1917, 4.6 percent; 1918, 1.4 percent; 1919, 1.4 percent; 1920, 5.2 percent; 1921, 11.7 percent; 1922, 6.7 percent; 1923, 2.4 percent; 1924, 5.0 percent; 1925, 3.2 percent; 1926, 1.8 percent; 1927, 3.3 percent; 1928, 4.2 percent; 1929, 3.2 percent; 1930, 8.7 percent; 1931, 15.9 percent; 1932, 23.6 percent; 1933, 24.9 percent; 1934, 21.7 percent; 1935, 20.1 percent; 1936, 16.9 percent; 1937, 14.3 percent; 1938, 19.0 percent; 1939, 17.2 percent; 1940, 14.6 percent; 1941, 9.9 percent; 1942, 4.7 percent; 1943, 1.9 percent; 1944, 1.2 percent; and 1945, 1.9 percent.<\/p>\n
A precipitous drop in consumer spending deepened the crisis. Facing hard times and unemployment, Americans cut back dramatically, creating a vicious cycle of falling demand and forfeited loans. Buying homes, cars, and appliances on credit had seemed like a good deal in 1925; by 1930 the deal turned sour. That year, several major banks went under, victims of overextended credit and reckless management. The following year, as industrial production slowed, a much larger wave of bank failures occurred, sending out even greater shockwaves. Since the government did not insure bank deposits, accounts in failed banks simply vanished.<\/p>\n
The Depression\u2019s Early Years<\/p>\n
Not all Americans were devastated by the depression; the middle class did not disappear and the rich still lived in relative luxury. But incomes plummeted even among workers who kept their jobs. Barter systems developed, as barbers traded haircuts for onions and potatoes and laborers took payment in produce or pork. \u201cWe do not dare to use even a little soap,\u201d reported one jobless Oregonian, \u201cwhen it will pay for an extra egg, a few more carrots for our children.\u201d \u201cI would be only too glad to dig ditches to keep my family from going hungry,\u201d wrote a North Carolina man.<\/p>\n
Where did desperate people turn for aid? Their first hope lay in private charity, especially churches and synagogues. But by the winter of 1931, such institutions were overwhelmed by extraordinary need. Only eight states provided even minimal unemployment insurance. There was no public support for the elderly, statistically among the poorest citizens. Few Americans had any retirement savings, and many who did save lost it all to bank failures.<\/p>\n
Even those who stayed afloat had to adapt to depression conditions. Couples delayed marriage and had fewer children. As a result, the marriage rate fell to a historical low, and by 1933 the birthrate dropped from 97 births per 1,000 women, its high the previous decade, to 75. Responsibility for birth control largely fell to women, becoming \u201cone of the worst problems of women whose husbands were out of work,\u201d a Californian told a reporter. Campaigns against hiring married women were common, on the grounds that any available jobs should go to male breadwinners. Three-quarters of the nation\u2019s school districts banned married women from working as teachers \u2014 ignoring the fact that many husbands were less able to earn than ever before. Despite such restrictions, female employment increased in the depression years, as women expanded their financial contributions so families could make ends meet.<\/p>\n
The depression hit every part of the country, though its severity varied from place to place. Bank failures clustered heavily in the Midwest and plains, while areas dependent on timber, mining, and other extractive industries suffered catastrophic declines. Although southern states endured less unemployment because of their smaller manufacturing base, farm wages plunged. In many parts of the country, unemployment rates among black men were double that of white men; joblessness among African American women was triple that of white women.<\/p>\n
Minnesota Potato Farmers<\/p>\n
The prosperity and consumer pleasures of the 1920s hardly extended to all Americans. This Minnesota family had horses, not a tractor; many of the women\u2019s clothes were probably made by hand. Rural and working-class Americans, who often struggled in the 1920s, found conditions even harsher after 1929. On the other hand, farmers had resources to fall back on that city folks did not: they could grow their own food, and they had long experience in \u201cmaking do.\u201d<\/p>\n
By 1932, the magnitude of the crisis was clear, and voters wanted bold action in Washington. A few years earlier, with business booming and politics placid, people had chuckled when President Coolidge disappeared on extended fishing trips. Now, in the election of 1932, Americans decisively rejected the probusiness, antiregulatory policies of the previous decade. Faced with economic cataclysm, Americans would transform their government and create a modern welfare state.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
RESURGENT CONSERVATISM World War I brought an end to the long period of reform stretching from the 1880s to the 1910s. A resurgent political and social conservatism emerged in the war\u2019s aftermath. Progressivism survived, but limited government dominated national political life from 1919 until the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt as president in 1932. During […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[10],"class_list":["post-93940","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-research-paper-writing","tag-writing"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/papersspot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/93940","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/papersspot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/papersspot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/papersspot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/papersspot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=93940"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/papersspot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/93940\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/papersspot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=93940"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/papersspot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=93940"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/papersspot.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=93940"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}